"DOES MUGABE WANT ALL OF US TO BE HIS WIVES?"

http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk/viewinfo.cfm?linkcategoryid=3&linkid=8&id=4174 Patrick Kombayi, one of the leaders of the movement that fought the liberation war and later became the first black mayor of Gweru believes his former teacher President Robert Mugabe was corrupted by absolute power. He also blames the people of Zimbabwe collectively for the current problems bedevilling the country. He speaks to our special correspondent. SC-On March 24, 1990 you survived an assassination attempt by two CIO officers, Alias Kanengoni and Kizito Chivamba, who were sentenced to seven years in imprisonment but then pardoned by Mugabe through the use of Presidential powers of clemency. What is your view of the powers Mugabe wields under the current constitution? PK- Mugabe and I never saw eye to eye again from the moment I said we had to give it to a people's congress to elect the leader of ZANU whilst he wanted to grab the position. Then came the elections of 1990 where I stood against his handpicked Vice President, Simon Muzenda and before which I was almost killed by the CIO people. I wasn't surprised by the pardon knowing Mugabe as I do. He wanted me eliminated. He allowed the election to be held in the constituency despite me fighting for my life in a Bulawayo hospital. If it was in progressive democratic countries, the election could have been postponed. Despite that, I won. The people who were counting the votes called me straight from the command centre to congratulate me. However, Tobaiwa Mudede when announcing his own version of results gave my 14 000 votes to Muzenda and gave me his 8000 votes, 2000 of which he claimed had come from postal votes by army members fighting in Mozambique. He failed to justify such a shocking claim when I challenged it. SC-What role do you think your ZUM party played in moulding Zimbabwe's current so-called multi-party democracy? PK-We definitely managed to stop the system of one-party-state. We didn't form ZUM because we wanted to rule at the time. We knew Mugabe was still popular and had not yet made many mistakes as is the case now. Even when we formed the Forum party, the main purpose was to stop the one-party-state system. Having experienced Kaunda and Nyerere failing with the one-party-state system we decided with some international cooperation from some Front Line leaders to form ZUM and FORUM. SC-You were the first black Mayor in post-independent Zimbabwe. What is your view of local governance in Zimbabwe at the moment? PK-It is no longer local governance. It is now Mugabe's type of rule where the people that were democratically elected into the local councils kicked out to be replaced by appointed commissions. But consider this: Sekesai Makwavarara leading the Harare Commission after the ouster of Elias Mudzuri quit the liberation movement together with Nathan Shamuyarira to form FROLIZI. Ignatius Chombo, who is orchestrating all this chaos, was also a member of FROLIZI. He is picking his former FROLIZI colleagues to fill the commissions. SC-You worked closely with Mugabe during the liberation struggle in Zambia. Do you think he still remembers the reasons you went to war for? PK-Yes, he still remembers. The only problem is that he is a politician with hunger for power. He got absolute power, which corrupt absolutely. But I don't blame him alone because we the people of Zimbabwe have contributed to this mess. Let me cite some few examples. He sent soldiers to Mozambique without approval from parliament. We don't even know how much was spent there, even the number of casualties. We remained quiet. He did the same with the war in the DRC, where my brother Col Kufa died and the story was the same. Zimbabweans didn't do or say anything. When we got independence we received a lot of money such as that from ZIMCORD. We don't even know how much it was, only Mugabe and Chidzero did and the account is still private to Mugabe. We never questioned. Even the money which came from Britain for de-mobilisation of our army members was never accounted for. There was looting of state funds by ZANU PF as a party as well as money from NSSA and ZIMDEF without us questioning and that is why I blame the people of Zimbabwe. SC-You are now MDC secretary for Gweru. Do you think the MDC has the intellectual clarity and gravitas to form the next government? PK-If intellectual abilities are what determined the capacity to provide good leadership, then the MDC has the right material because there are many intellectuals in the party. But in my view, it is not merely academic power that matters in leadership but the need for good policies, which the MDC has as well. The leadership of the MDC is very capable of implementing these policies. I am confident because we work as a team in the party, guided by a clear constitution. SC-Founding Zanu (PF) secretary general Edgar Tekere has just published an autobiography claiming Mugabe was a reluctant recruit into the liberation struggle. How accurate is Tekere's narration of events? PK-Very accurate. Remember it was Tekere, Eddison Zvobgo, Enos Nkala, Morris Nyagumbo, Rex Nhongo, Herbert Ushewokunze and sometimes myself who could manage to stand up to Mugabe and tell him the truth after he had made himself very powerful in Zanu. Hence all of us became his enemies. I remember Nkala saying 'khati hau madoda uMugabe ufuna ukusiyenza abafasi bakhe yini? (Mugabe wants all of us to be his wives).'

 

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ABIGAIL MPISA'S PERSPECTIVE OF MUGABE, TEKERE !

Mawere and 'the hand that profitably fed him'

 

 

http://www.newzimbabwe.com/pages/tekere7.15868.html

 

 

• Masawi threatened over Tekere book • Tekere unfazed by Zanu PF expulsion threats • Hysterical reaction to Tekere belies fear • Book shop won't sell Tekere book • Tekere absolves Mugabe of Tongogara's killing • 'We produced a creature that destroyed this country' - Nkala • Tekere says Mugabe 'insecure' in new book

By Abigail Mphisa

Last updated: 01/24/2007 03:22:41

 

 

HAVING read Edgar Tekere's book, I did not get the impression that we were being told that Robert Mugabe did not have a mind of his on, which got me asking; did your columnist Mutumwa Mawere actually read it?

It is dangerous to join a debate based on a book that one has not read. He has concluded that Tekere sought to re-write history. In order for anyone at all to make such a categorical statement against liberation stalwarts like Tekere, it then becomes necessary to provide readers with sources of accurate records of the liberation struggle.

What exactly are the "misunderstood democratic values" that the country appears to be in search of? If, in accordance with Mawere's views, Mugabe does possess democratic values, why is there overwhelming evidence to the contrary? I personally would need specific examples.

A democratic leader would not have abolished the post of Prime Minister and become an executive president without seeking the mandate of the Zimbabwean people. He would not have unilaterally sent Zimbabwean soldiers to their deaths in the jungles of the Congo and pulled Zimbabwe out of the Commonwealth because he was being asked to adhere to the Harare Declaration. The ascendancy of Joice Mujuru to the deputy presidency was undemocratic. People were dismissed from the party for seeking to exercise their democratic right to lobby for a candidate of their choice. The list of undemocratic actions carried out by Mugabe is endless and Mawere knows it.

I hold no brief for Jonathan Moyo. In my view, he played a pivotal role in the economic and political demise of Zimbabwe. Anyone who conjures up laws such as AIPPA, calls it an excellent piece of legislation and goes on to actively support POSA is downright evil. He was an active participant of the land reform project, claiming it would create 800 000 jobs and some say he was a multiple farm owner. He was determined to see the destruction of Kondozi Estates and the fact that many former workers were abandoned along the highway to Mutare did not move him. In fact, I do believe a Jonathan Moyo with power would be an extremely dangerous person. He proved it beyond any reasonable doubt during his five year reign of terror while in government.

But, to claim that in his piece "Hysterical reaction to Tekere belies fear", Moyo sought to defend Tekere sounds illogical. Defend him from what and whom exactly?

ZANU was never really a democratic force. One only needs to compare it with the ANC of South Africa, or even ZAPU. If ZANU had been democratic, amendments to the Lancaster House constitution would have been those meant to strengthen democratic institutions instead of creating a dictatorship, as has been the case in the majority of the 17 amendments. Who exactly are those people who want their versions of history to be the only ones in relation to how leaders in Africa ought to be selected?

Here is one statement that I had to read several times because I genuinely thought that a person of Mawere's intellect cannot possibly believe in it; "We do not have any record of Mugabe being comfortable as a beneficiary of an opaque selection process or seeking to avoid elections." Where has this gentleman been? Zimbabwe might not have missed a single election but, apart from the reprehensible and downright barbaric manner in which our elections are conducted, the electoral laws themselves are meant to ensure that Mugabe remains in power. Only a democratic coward could have enacted such laws. Whether Mawere likes it or not, Mugabe and his lieutenants are indeed afraid of the vote. Very much so! Here are a few examples;

Excessive use of force by Zanu PF More than 150 people died in the run up to the 2000 and 2002 parliamentary and presidential elections respectively. In one example Tichaona Chiminya and Talent Mabika of MDC were petrol bombed in their campaign vehicle in broad day light and they died in the inferno. The alleged murderer was one Joseph Mwale, a CIO operative who has never been brought to trial. Not a single statement was issued by Mugabe condemning the violence. He had in fact, at a rally in Manicaland, proclaimed that "death will befall you", a message intended for all those who were bent on opposing his party.

Downright rigging happens in our elections. Margaret Dongo proved it in the case of Sunningndale. Bernard Chidzero congratulated Henry Hamadziripi for having won Harare Central in the 1990 elections but was surprised later to be told he had won because some postal votes from somewhere were added to his lot. More recently in 2000 Zanu PF victory was nullified in the case of more than twenty constituencies. Needless to say the Zanu PF parliamentarians in question did not vacate their seats because they appealed and not surprisingly, the appeals were never heard.

It has also been proved that Zanu PF uses food as a weapon against peasants who may wish to support the opposition.

Opposition parties cannot campaign freely. Under POSA, they hardly ever get permission to assemble. In the event of permission being granted, their rallies are often violently disrupted by the Mugabe sponsored youth militia.

The voters' roll has always been a bone of contention because it has always been a shambles. The Registrar General consistently refuses to provide electronic copies and the costs of securing hard copies are prohibitive. It has been proven that dead people do in fact participate in our elections.

Mawere has to be aware of the implications of the Citizenship Act which was passed into law just before the 2002 presidential elections with the enthusiastic support of Jonathan Moyo, one might add. Millions of Zimbabweans by birth were deprived of their right to vote because this new piece of legislation claims that because their parents were born elsewhere, they are deemed to belong to their parents' countries of birth. Twisted logic indeed. Jonathan Moyo now views it as a "primitive" law, even though he supported its enactment.

In the 2005 parliamentary elections, observers were only invited from countries whose favourable views were a foregone conclusion. Mugabe personally vetoed the invitation list. It was as if he was inviting people to something as private as a wedding.

I did not get to vote in the presidential elections of 2002 despite investing 21 hours of my time in a queue. For some inexplicable reason we were simply tear gassed from the polling station. Voting stations in urban areas had been drastically reduced so there were only 60% of the 2000 numbers.

Mugabe single handedly appoints the Electoral Supervisory Commissioners.

One could go on and on. There is overwhelming evidence that we did not elect Robert Mugabe to be our leader in 2002. For that Mawere should turn to the numerous reports by international observers. One of them, in fact that of the Commonwealth observer group, partly explains why we are no longer a member of that body. Mugabe was incensed that a fellow African, a Nigerian, authored a report that questioned his democratic credentials. The fact that we allowed Mugabe to stay in power even though we did not vote for him is a different story altogether and has been and continues to be debated at different fora. And by the way, if Mugabe was not afraid of elections he would not be seeking to extend his term by another two years to 2010 in the name of harmonizing parliamentary and presidential elections. Why not harmonize in 2008?

Mawere argues that Mugabe's behaviour is consistent with that of a democrat. If Mugabe believed that the move to remove Ndabaningi Sithole from power was undemocratic, why did he not speak out against it? How come Sithole's remains are not interred at the national shrine when in fact Mugabe is the only one who decides who gets buried there? Without listing them, Mawere also alludes to values that inform Mugabe's choices. For examples, what values informed his choices when he gave land to people who are unable to utilise it so that Zimbabwe is now a basket case when less than a decade ago we used to export food? What values informed his decision to award $3 billion dollars to ex-combatants against the advice of his Minister of finance, thereby triggering an unprecedented economic downfall?

It is patently dishonest to say when Tekere set up his own political party Mugabe allowed him to compete freely for the national space. Patrick Kombayi, the then ZUM candidate for Gweru urban nearly lost his life at the hands of Mugabe's henchmen. His crime was to dare exercise his democratic right against Simon Muzenda. Elias Kanengoni and Kizito Chivamba (head of CIO for Midlands and ZANU P.F. youth league member respectively) were found guilty of attempted murder. Instead of condemning such acts of senseless violence, Mugabe pardoned the culprits. What sort of message does that send and what does it say about Mugabe's democratic credentials when an individual whose salary is paid for by the tax payer commits a heinous crime and is immediately shielded from jail?

Contrary to Mawere's assertion under the heading "Disclosure Two", Moyo did not express the view that Mugabe should have been eternally grateful to people who propelled him to the throne. He simply pointed out that Mugabe marginalised anyone whom he viewed as a potential contender to the throne. This point of view, one might argue, is actually borne by facts. For example, how would Mugabe explain the selective sacking of Maurice Nyagumbo, Dzingai Mutumbuka and Enos Nkala in the aftermath of the Willowgate scandal? In the case of Nyagumbo, Mugabe's heartlessness could not have been better demonstrated. Nyagumbo offered to resign as soon as his name appeared in the press. Mugabe begged him to stay, arguing that he would feel abandoned since he viewed Nyagumbo as one of his closest confidants.

However, when public and international opinion expressed disgust over the issue, Mugabe felt the need to fire a few people and Nyagumbo was identified as one such scapegoat. The three were not the only ones who had misused the Willowvale motor vehicle facility. There were a host of others, among them Mugabe's late wife Sally Mugabe. By asserting that a president of a country should put national interests above those of the party, it is as if Mawere actually believes that Mugabe adheres to this principle. Since when has Mugabe ever put Zimbabwe's interests above those of Zanu PF? It is an open secret that Zanu PF dips into state coffers with impunity and civil servants are often coerced to fund party activities.

Mawere, for whatever reason, might decide to see no evil and hear no evil, but Mugabe does come out as an evil and vengeful leader. Twenty thousand people perished in Matabeleland between 1980 and 1987. Those who oversaw the bloodbath were rewarded with promotion. In June 2005 seven hundred thousand people (18% of Zimbabwe's population) were rendered homeless through the infamous operation Murambatsvina. In excess of 2 million people were indirectly affected by that operation. Only an evil leader can do that to his own people! His treatment of Joshua Nkomo, one of the luminaries of Zimbabwe's liberation struggle, was downright evil.

Under "Disclosure Three" Mawere questions Moyo's support for the view that Mugabe is 90% responsible for the mess that our country is in. The point is, we may quibble over percentages but being leader means being responsible for the direction that one's country takes, warts and all. Mugabe literally sowed seeds of corruption and nursed them to fruition. Now our country boasts being in the top 30 most corrupt countries in the world.

Gideon Gono drives a US$138 000 vehicle because those are the values that Mugabe inculcated into the national psyche. Mugabe is driven in a custom made bullet proof vehicle which at the time of purchase was said to be the fourth such vehicle on the continent. The vehicle was purchased at a time when the fuel situation had started to bite and 4 million Zimbabweans needed food. He is escorted by a fleet of no less than ten vehicles. He has two state houses opposite each other in Harare, apart from the fact that he now has a private home in Borrowdale where he is making life miserable for his neighbours. Let us not forget that Ian Smith drove around in a Peugeot 504!! So, what percentage in terms of blameworthiness would Mawere rather attribute to Mugabe?

I am not too sure what Mawere's problem is regarding Moyo's New Year resolution. Why on earth does he believe that 2007 is a year of action for Zanu PF only? How does Moyo's designation of 2007 as a year of action translate into an assertion that Zimbabweans should expect it to be a better year? Mawere argues that Moyo got it wrong on Tsholotsho hence he cannot possibly get it right on 2007. What kind of logic is this? Isn't life about sometimes getting things wrong and at other times getting them right? Besides, what exactly did Moyo get wrong about Tsholotsho? The long and short of it was that a group of people got together to put together a strategy to have their preferred candidate elected and were punished for it. If anything, Tsholotsho confirmed Mugabe's high handedness and lack of respect for the constitution of his own party.

In the end, the debate shifted from issues raised in Tekere's book to an attack on Moyo's hypocrisy. The bottom line is, Mawere is of the opinion that Moyo should not criticise the hand that profitably fed him. How tragic. For me the big question that Mawere should have asked, instead of accusing Tekere of re-writing history (sadly, without providing evidence that this is indeed the case) is, why has Mugabe remained mum? Why are people falling all over themselves to defend a man who is very much alive and has all the resources to make himself heard?

Mawere does seem to have joined the list of Mugabe's praise singers. Could there be truth in that he was a beneficiary of the Zanu PF patronage machinery hence his reluctance to criticise – to use his own words – "the hand that profitably fed him", with the hope that his properties may be returned to him?

By the way, I did read the numerous articles in which Mawere sought to rubbish the view that he benefited from being well connected to those at the top of the Zanu PF hierarchy. I am saying this so that he does not feel the need to tell his side of the story once more. At the end of the day, after having advocated that people should avoid getting personal when debating issues of national importance, Mawere failed dismally to adhere to that principle. The starting point should at least have been to read the book.

Abigail Mphisa writes from Bulawayo. She can be contacted on

 

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MASAWI SURVIVES TEKERE TURMOIL!

Masawi survives Tekere turmoil

 

Staff Reporter

 

http://www.fingaz.co.zw/story.aspx?stid=2899

ZANU PF deputy information secretary, Ephraim Masawi, appears to have escaped unscathed by the farce that gripped his party over Edgar Tekere's controversial memoirs for which the maverick nationalist was sacked from the party.

ZANU PF's influential youth league had recommended that Masawi, the Mashonaland Central governor, be suspended for attending the launch of a book by former nationalist Tekere, which dims President Robert Mugabe's liberation war credentials.
John Nkomo, ZANU PF chairman and head of the party's national disciplinary committee, had indicated that the matter was in the hands of Masawi's Mashonaland Central province.
However, Chen Chimutengwende, leader of the party's Mashonaland Central provincial structure, said his province was not handling the matter.
"Chimutengwende said Masawi would be treated differently from Tekere since the latter had been an ordinary member, whereas Masawi held a position of authority in ZANU PF.
The Masawi saga had opened up rifts in the party, with one faction latching on to the controversy to push for ZANU PF Guruve Member of Parliament Edward Chindori-Chininga to replace the ruling party deputy information secretary.
Chindori-Chininga, a former minister of mines and mining development, was dropped from President Mugabe's Cabinet in 2004.
But, according to Chimutengwende: "There are no vacancies yet."
The ZANU PF youth league had felt that Masawi "failed to defend the party's first secretary", leaving the task to people such as opposition activist Patrick Kombayi.

 

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TEKERE THREATENS TO SUE THE STATE MEDIA!

Tekere remains unfazed, threatens to sue state media http://www.zimbabwejournalists.com/story.php?art_id=1636&cat=4

By Ian Nhuka MUTARE - Maverick war veteran, Edgar Tekere, embroiled in a storm over his book that fires broadsides at President Robert Mugabe's leadership style, does not care about the criticism he is receiving from Zanu PF or threats to expel him from the party he helped found in the 1960s. Tekere, a nationalist and respected Mutare-based war veteran, told zimbabwejournalists.com in an interview here Tuesday that while he accepted reasonable criticism, he did not like "malicious statements" carried by sections of the State-controlled media since he triggered the on-going national debate when he launched his book some two weeks ago. He threatened to sue some government-controlled media outlets for defamation over some stories they have carried since he unveiled his controversial book. He did not specify the offending statements or the media outlets that he thinks defamed him. Tekere charged at his critics saying they were rushing to criticise him, but some of them have not read his autobiography, "A Lifetime of Struggle," which was edited by Dr Ibbo Mandaza, an academic of note. He said: "They are falling over each other to please Mugabe by attacking me.  Some of them have not even read the book.  You can see that from their arguments, which I think are not informed at all." In the book, Tekere says President Mugabe is a weak person, adding he is responsible for the economic crisis gripping the country.  He regrets playing an leading role in elevating President Mugabe to head Zanu during the liberation war. Over the weekend, the Zanu –PF Youth League, asked the ruling party leadership to expel Tekere from the party, a little over a year after he was re-admitted into the fold. His readmission came after many years spent in the political wilderness following his decision to wind up the Zimbabwe Unity Movement (ZUM), a party he founded to challenge Mugabe in the 1990. The youth league also proposed punishment to be meted on some leading party officials who attended the launch of Tekere's book, among them Mashonaland Central governor and Zanu – PF deputy politburo secretary for information and publicity, Ephriam Masawi. The party leadership is now considering the request for Tekere's expulsion, according to reports in the public media yesterday, which quoted senior officials. "I do not care if they expel me," said Tekere. "If they do, that will further show that there is no democracy and freedom of speech in Zanu PF.  The book contains my personal opinions about the war.  So why will I be punished for my opinions?" Last week, a State-controlled weekend newspaper said in its lead story Tekere was not a serious person since "he suffered bouts of mental instability in the past." The newspaper quoted George Rutanhire, a war veteran and former deputy minister who said: "Tekere munhu akamborwara (Tekere once suffered mental instability)." Another publicly-owned newspaper followed up the story, scorching Tekere's claims that he was personally instrumental in the rise of President Mugabe during the liberation war. It said freedom fighters, through the Mgagao Declaration of 1976, collectively made the decision to elevate President Mugabe to the post of interim Zanu leader, replacing the late party president, Ndabaningi Sithole who had been sacked for alleged prevarication. Tekere has often ruffled the feather of senior party members.  At some stage in the late 1980s, he clashed with President Mugabe over his dictatorial leadership style and his failure to curb corruption. That precipitated his expulsion in 1988, after which he formed ZUM.  His party contested in the 1990 elections and won a number of parliamentary seats and did well in the presidential race. However, the party soon fizzled out after the violence-ridden poll but the veteran politician still commands respect from the Zanu – PF ranks. Now, he spends most of his time in Mutare or at his horticulture farm, near Old Mutare. In the interview with Zimbabwejournalists.com, Tekere also lashed out at police commissioner, Augustine Chihuri and presidential spokesman, George Charamba, for attacking him in the media. Charamba, is widely believed to be the writer of a weekly column, The Other Side, published on Saturdays in The Herald under a pseudonym. The column recently savaged Tekere soon after he launched his book, claiming that he did not have the moral ground to criticise Mugabe who, according to Charamba, salvaged him (Tekere) from financial ruin a few years ago. In his newspaper interview with The Herald, Chihuri said Tekere has a history of violence, mental instability and is an alcoholic. But Tekere remains unfazed. "These people are attacking me but they do not know that they are committing a serious offence of defamation.  I am considering suing them for defamation and the publishers involved.  Some of their criticism is malicious," he blasted. Tekere was readmitted into Zanu PF late 2005 but was barred from seeking election to any post in the party for five years. It is because of that condition that he was barred from contesting in the senate polls that were held in November 2005. "I am not bitter about the party's decision to bar me from holding any post although I think it doesn not make sense.  However, I will remain a card-carrying party member. --- I have heard some people saying that I am criticising Mugabe in my book and at other forums because of that decision.  That is not true.  --- I started writing this book seven years ago, so it is false that the criticism of Mugabe is an attempt to get revenge on my part," he said.

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INTERESTING FACTS ABOUT CDE EDGAR TEKERE!

  Tekere, Edgar

CANDIDATE DETAILS   http://www.ourcampaigns.com/cgi-bin/r.cgi/CandidateDetail.html?CandidateID=44033 Affiliation ZANU - Patriotic Front    Name Edgar Tekere Address , , Zimbabwe Email None Website None Born 00, 1937 Died Still Living (70 years) Contributor Pimpalicious Last Modifed Thomas Walker Feb 21, 2007 03:58pm Tags Info Edgar Zivanai Tekere (born 1937) is a Zimbabwean politician. He was a leader of the Zimbabwe African National Union who organised the party during the Lancaster House talks and served briefly in government before his popularity as a potential rival to Robert Mugabe caused their estrangement. He fought against Mugabe in the 1990 election and was heavily defeated, but remained involved in politics and has recently rejoined ZANU (PF). Tekere was an early ally of Robert Mugabe within the Zimbabwe African National Union (of which he was a founder member in 1964) during the fight for independence and against the Rhodesian Front government of Ian Smith. Mugabe and Tekere went together into Mozambique in 1975 to launch the war against Rhodesia, and Tekere was appointed as Secretary-General of ZANU. When ZANU won the 1980 elections, Tekere was appointed Manpower Planning Minister from 1980 in Mugabe's Cabinet. He followed his appointment by making a series of outspoken speeches which went far beyond government policy. Shortly after his appointment, on August 4, 1980, he greeted Mugabe (then Prime Minister) and visiting President of Mozambique, Samora Machel in combat fatigues and announced that he was going "to fight a battle". Tekere and his bodyguards went looking for supporters of Joshua Nkomo's ZAPU outside Harare, but failing to find them, went onto a neighbouring farm and shot a white farm manager called Gerald Adams. Tekere retained his government post when he went on trial together with seven bodyguards who were all former guerilla fighters in the independence war. On December 8 the High Court, on a majority decision, found him not guilty of murder. Two out of the three assessors held that while Tekere had killed Adams, he was acting in connection with the suppression of terrorism. Tekere was dismissed from the government on January 11, 1981, a decision he was reported to be happy with; he retained the Secretary-Generalship of ZANU. In April 1981 he was detained by Kenyan security forces to prevent him from speaking to students after giving a newspaper interview in which he said he was proud of the killing of Gerald Adams. In July, Tekere referred to some ZANU representatives as having "inherited the colonial mentality", which was straining relations between them and the party's supporters. Mugabe hit back by saying "Those who are complaining that the revolution is not continuing .. are the most immoral and laziest in the party". Tekere was increasingly seen as a leader of a rival faction to Mugabe, and was dismissed as Secretary-General on August 9 with Mugabe taking the post himself. When Mugabe launched 'Operation Gukurahundi' against Joshua Nkomo's supporters in Matabeleland in 1982, Tekere voiced his support for the action as necessary to prevent "a Biafra situation". After criticising corruption in the party, in August 1984 Tekere was elected to the Central Committee of ZANU (PF) and carried shoulder-high from the Congress; he was also being supported by the Whites in Zimbabwe after opposing the farm squattings by ZANU (PF) supporters which he described as "donga watonga" (chaotic government). He was provincial chairman of ZANU (PF) in Mutare. Tekere supported Mugabe at the 1985 elections but by October 1988 his consistent criticism of corruption resulted in his expulsion from the party. When Mugabe voiced his belief that Zimbabwe would be better governed as a one party state, Tekere strongly disagreed, saying "A one-party state was never one of the founding principles of ZANU(PF) and experience in Africa has shown that it brought the evils of nepotism, corruption and inefficiency". He ran against Robert Mugabe in the 1990 Presidential race as the candidate of the Zimbabwe Unity Movement, offering a broadly free market platform against Mugabe's communist-style economic planning. Mugabe won the election on April 1, 1990 receiving 2,026,976 votes while Tekere only got 413,840 (16% of the vote). At the simultaneous Parliamentary elections the ZUM won 20% of the vote but only two seats in the House of Assembly. Zimbabwe Unity Movement supporters were the targets of violent attacks from supporters of ZANU (PF), and five candidates were murdered, a student represantative Israel Mutanhaurwa of ZUM was abducted in broad daylight by suspected state agents at the local cinemas in Gweru to be dumped later in the outskirts of Mkoba a local surbub unharmed, noone was arrested or convicted of the crime. Those convicted of the attempted murder of former Gweru Mayor Patrick Kombayi who was shot in lower abdomen but survived the shooting, were pardoned immediately afterwards. Tekere dropped out of sight after the election, fuelling rumours that he was planted as an opposition figure. In 2005 he voiced his wish to stand as a ZANU (PF) candidate for the Senate of Zimbabwe but was rebuffed. In 2006 it was reported that he had rejoined ZANU (PF). A letter sent to him by ZANU (PF) national chairman John Nkomo dated April 7, 2006 said "You will not exercise your right to be elected to any office in the party for a period of five years. You will be required to uphold all the duties of a member listed in Article 3, Section 18 of the amended Zanu PF constitution". [Link] JOB APPROVAL POLLS BOOKS Title Purchase Contributor EVENTS Start Date End Date Type Title Contributor NEWS Date Category Headline Article Contributor DISCUSSION [View Previous Messages In This Discussion (1 Previous)]

 

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TEKERE: "ZANU-PF's SUPPORT FOR MUGABE A DISASTER!"

Zimbabwe's Ruling Party Backs President Robert Mugabe In 2008 Run

http://www.allheadlinenews.com/articles/7006926560

April 2, 2007 1:27 p.m. EST

Ihuoma Ezeh - All Headline News

 

Harare, Zimbabwe (AHN) -

 

The Zanu-PF party, Zimbabwe's ruling political party, is supporting President Robert Mugabe in his run in the 2008 election.

The news came as two opposing party factions were eager for Mugabe to stand down in order to end the political and economic crisis in Zimbabwe.

Nathan Shamuyarira, the party's spokesman, announced in a meeting in Harare that the party was endorsing Mugabe as its candidate for the 2008 election.

"The resolution was accepted by the central committee," Shamuyarira said. "The candidate for the party in 2008 will be the president himself."

Edgar Tekere, a Zimbawean veteran, said endorsing Mugabe would be a disaster.

"They are engaging in their madness of singing 'Mugabe, Mugabe!' That's no good for the country and for the party," allafrica.com quotes Tekere as saying. "It means we are going to continue to sink."

Peter Biles, BBC's southern Africa correspondent, said Mugabe's critics are convinced that his leadership is strongly damaging the country, and that with the economy out of control, Mugabe should step down.

The Movement for Democratic Change, an activist group in Zimbabwe, said the news was shocking.

Mugabe, 83, has been president since 1980, when Zimbabwe obtained its independence from Britain.

 

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Dear Dr John Makumbe,

We heard you "LIVE" on Radio "702" here in South africa giving an Ultimatum to the South Africans about their expected role in the resolution of the Mugabe-made crisis in Zimbabwe!

 

We agree with you in full and we are asking you issue that particular ultimatum in writing so we can post it on our blogsites!

 

We hold you in the highest esteem and we thank you for your kindest co-operation in this regard!

 

Rev Mufaro Stig Hove.

 

THE RADICAL SOLDIER.

 

mufarostig@yahoo.co.uk

 

revmshove@yahoo.co.uk

 

Cell: 0791463039 RSA.

 

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MESSAGE FROM THE ZCTU AND ZINASU!

We are starving; we will eat your teargas!!!

 

.

 - Zimbabwe National Students Union

 

The Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU)

 

has resolved that:

• All workers be mobilised to stay away from work from 3 to 4 April 2007
• National actions will be called for after every three months and they will be incremental until the situation improves

Poverty. Hyperinflation. Oppression. Unemployment. Failure of basic services.

• Show your disagreement with how our country is being mismanaged and SUPPORT the ZCTU and STAY AWAY ON 3 and 4 April 2007
• Read the ZCTU communique about the stay away on http://www.zctu.co.zw/html/stmts/21906.shtm or contact them for more information, on email info@zctu.co.zw or phone +263-4-794702/42 or +263-4-702517.
• Lobby your friends and colleagues - forward this email on to them.

Let the workers organise. Let the toilers assemble. Let their crystallized voice proclaim their injustices and demand their privileges. Let all thoughtful citizens sustain them, for the future of Labour is the future of Zimbabwe.

 

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CDE EDGAR TEKERE RECOUNTS THE VISIT OF THE GREAT ROBERT NESTER MARLEY!

http://www.weblogalot.net/bob-marley/bob-marley-march-22-2007-1231-pm/

 

http://www.fingaz.co.zw/story.aspx?stid=2666

 

Stanley Kwenda
Harare

FORMER ZANU PF secretary general, Edgar Tekere, recounted recently how he invited the late legendary reggae icon Bob Marley to Zimbabwe's Independence celebrations in 1980.

"Bob Marley was my guest. I was responsible for looking after him, I invited him for the celebrations," said Tekere to a raucous response from journalists who packed the Ambassador Hotel's Quill Club. "I sent out two people to Jamaica, Job Kadengu and Godern Muchanyuka. Each one of us who was in government at that time had an opportunity to invite two guests paid for by the state," he said.

Tekere, who spoke passionately about Marley, said a Serbian friend, Olivier Jovanovich who is now at the Serbian embassy in Pretoria helped him hook up with Marley. "The whole affair was organised by Richard Hove who was taking care of the finances. I liked music and sometimes I could take time off and go to Londoner to enjoy music," said Tekere.

Tekere also said that he had a very good relationship with the then Prime Minister of Jamaica, Michael Mann who helped facilitate Bob Marley's trip to Zimbabwe.

"Mann told me a lot about Bob Marley's expenditure on the poor. He told me that at any given time there were hundreds of poor people feasting at his house. The guy was a friend to Marley," said Tekere.

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SPECIAL COMMENT POSTED ON WEBSITE!

Zimbabwe is about White Supremacy

BY John Iteshi

http://johntina1.spaces.live.com/

Izhiogoagbo@yahoo.com

London

Racism, the worst kind of racism is the only reason for British media's
obsessions about Mugabe. Nothing in Zimbabwe equates to one tenth of what
happens in each of the 36 states of Nigeria. What the opposition leader
Morgan Tsvangirai, did by trying to instigate mass uprising, cannot be
attempted successfully by anybody in Nigeria today. Just dreaming of it
aloud will put you in jail in Nigeria let alone starting it. Before 2003
general elections key political opponents of the Federal government and
various state governments were assassinated, but they made no real news to
BBC and other western media. Just few months ago in Ebonyi State one of the
poorest States, the governor locked up two journalists for over three months
for publishing articles which accused the governor, Sam Egwu of corruption
in a local newspaper. What a pity, this fact did not make any news to the
democracy loving western media! Currently, oppositions at all levels are
being openly suppressed and systematically excluded from contesting the next
elections by the electoral body headed by a government stooge (in fact there
are clear evidence that the head of the electoral body has forged
certificate but he cannot be removed because he has a mission to install
government candidates). The vice president of Nigeria is openly humiliated
and denied his official privileges just for standing up against the plot by
the president to extend his rule through the back door. One would have
expected the democracy loving white world to stand up against the evil
regime of Obasanjo, but nothing like that has happened.

The clear message being sent across Black Africa seems to be that all one
needs to succeed as president of his country is to be a friend of the west
even at the expense of his people just like Obasanjo and not transparency
and good governance. The fact is now clearest that any Black African leader
regarded as good by the west is definitely evil or incompetent. Example
Obasanjo vis-à-vis General Abacha who was condemned in the west but has left
indelible landmarks of great infrastructural development in Nigeria... For
the benefit of those who are unaware of the facts. Abacha ruled Nigeria
between November 1993 and June 1998 during which the oil market was not at
all booming, but used the meagre resources wisely enough to rehabilitate
roads, hospitals universities and other public amenities through the
Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF). Obasanjo's democracy has ruled Nigeria since may
1999 witnessing unprecedented increase in revenue through the unprecedented
oil boom and irresponsible disposals of the most lucrative public
corporations in the name of privatisation, but has achieved virtually no
definite success in any sector. Roads are basically left where Abacha left
them in 1998 and I speak as an enlightened Nigerian who knows Nigeria. I
visited Nigeria in 2005 October and travelled by coach round the country to
see if there has been any changes. I travelled from Abuja to Abakaliki via
Enugu; from Enugu to Onitsha - Benin - Ore - Lagos and from Lagos to
Ibadan-Okene-Abuja and was shocked to see that we have wasted 8years of
unprecedented economic boom. There are global drumming about economic
reforms and progress in Nigeria, while the reality is that only white rogues
collaborating with the government are the gainers. Destroying landline
phones networks and public payphones in order to force every Nigerian to
depend on GSM (which enriches mainly white South Africans) is what people
call economic progress in Nigeria. The fact that western media and their
governments have continued to praise a government as evil as Obasanjo's
despite clear evidences of everything they claim to stand against makes me
confident that any government condemned by the west might not be all bad
after all. Perhaps, Idi Amin might have not been as bad!
It seems to me that the only reason the white world is against Mugabe is
because he expelled white farmers because genuine concern for the Black race
would have meant that Nigeria being the largest Black society would be given
greater focus. It is now clear to me that BBC and other British media are
far worse than the British National Party (BNP) which is labelled racist.
The BNP is not threatening the existence and survival of the Black race
while British journalists are. I am most grateful for the hospitality of the
British state for affording me the good life and respect that no Black
country can afford its Black citizens. I do not shy away from the hard fact
that the most racist white country would treat ordinary Black immigrants
better than the best Black country would treat its own citizens. Therefore,
I am grateful to Britain, but at the same time believe that my people must
be enlightened about the true location of racism. The real racism is not
about local people genuinely resenting to uncontrolled immigration of
dubious people into their country. I put myself in the shoes of ordinary
white British people who have no other country to run to! What I call racism
at its worst is the one-sided stand of the "white world" on Zimbabwe.

It is accepted that the takeover of white farms could have been more
diplomatically done, but it cannot justify the current scale of global
condemnation of Mugabe. What the white supremacists pretending to be
messiahs are insinuating is that Zimbabwe cannot survive without white
farmers who clearly were not even farming to feed Zimbabweans in the first
place. What is being propagated around the world is that no Black country
can survive on its own even though, I know that there had been no evidence
of starvation since the controversial take over of farms. What needs to be
done by enlightened and decolonised Black people is to rally round and use
the Zimbabwean case as an inspiration for building successful societies.
Zimbabwe is by far more democratic and successful than most other Black
African countries like Nigeria, Sudan, Uganda, DRC etc., but today it bears
the ignoble reputation of being one of the worst places to live in. Even
though nobody can prove that the best of the 36 state governors of Nigeria
is not worst than 10 Mugabes as I have severally challenged the BBC to do,
we are still being fed with lies about Mugabe. It is therefore very clear
that Mugabe would have remained a friend of the west if he had not expelled
white farmers. Hence, it is purely and squarely about race!
John Iteshi

http://johntina1.spaces.live.com/

Izhiogoagbo@yahoo.com
London

"Blame Mugabe, not West, for crisis!" SAYS CDE EDGAR TEKERE!

Blame Mugabe for crisis and not the West, says Tekere http://news.sulekha.com/nlink.aspx?cid=399695 http://news.sulekha.com/newsitemdisplay.aspx?cid=399695&cat=Source

Edgar Tekere.   By Dennis Rekayi MUTARE - Edgar Tekere, the controversial former Zanu PF secretary general, says Zimbabweans must not be fooled by President Robert Mugabe to believe that the country is under Western-backed sanctions because the punitive measures are targeted only at a few individuals in the ruling government and party. The tough-talking maverick politician said Zimbabweans should never accept propaganda by Mugabe and his party that the whole population was under the sanctions backed by the European Union, the United States, New Zealand and other countries in the West. He said problems bedevilling Zimbabwe should be placed squarely on Mugabe and his bungling government which promised people milk and honey at independence only to drive the country into chaos through greed, corruption, mismanagement and related things. Tekere said this while addressing members of the Mutare Press Club at the weekend. Mugabe and his government have for the past few years been blaming the so-called targeted sanctions imposed by the EU and others after the disputed 2002 presidential elections for crippling the country's economy. Many blame Mugabe's controversial policies such as the land-grab programme for destroying the backbone of the country's economy. Tekere said Mugabe was deliberately hoodwinking the entire population to believe the country was under sanctions when it was not. "The sanctions are targeted on Mugabe not all Zimbabweans," Tekere told members of the Mutare Press Club. "That's a lot of nonsense because the sanctions are not targeted at all Zimbabweans." He said Mugabe was the biggest loser since can no longer to travel to England, a country "he is so fond of". "Mugabe was very fond of London. Even if he could travel to Latin America, India, or countries in Africa, Mugabe would make it a point that he went via London," said Tekere. "Now he is no longer going there to shop around." At the Mutare Press Club, Tekere warned he could take legal action against individuals such as Augustine Chihuri, the police chief, for defaming him after the launch of his book, the Struggle of a Lifetime, which the Zanu PF government has been trying to rubbish since it was published. Chihuri was quoted in the state-controlled Herald newspaper last week saying Tekere could not be considered for the leadership of both Zanu PF and the country during the war of liberation because he was a "drunkard". Chihuri was dismissing claims contained in Tekere's book that it was the former Zimbabwe Unity Movement leader, who propelled Mugabe to the ruling party and the country's leadership. "That is serious defamation," Tekere warned. "Chihuri is a custodian of the law. He should not trample on it." Meanwhile the campaign urging the EU to renew the targeted sanctions against Mugabe and his lieutenants is gathering momentum with human rights groups and international labour unions leading the way to present evidence why the EU should not be divided over the issue. The sanctions expire in February. The British government has since dismissed media reports that there are divisions within the EU over targeted sanctions imposed in 2002. There are also on-going campaigns to stop the French from inviting President Mugabe to the Franco-Africa summit which is set to be held in the Cannes.

 

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Bro Moeletsi Mbeki Paints A Gloom Picture For Zimbabwe !

http://crybelovedzimbabwe.blogspot.com/2007/03/moeletsi-mbeki-paints-gloom-picture-for.html

Moeletsi Mbeki Paints A Gloom Picture For Zimbabwe

I watched Moeletsi Mbeki's interview on Sky News this morning and I am afraid the picture is bleak. He starts by pointing out that Zimbabwe is a landlocked country that if any pressure was needed then it can only be exerted by the neighbouring countries i.e South Africa, Botswana, Zambia and Mozambique. He then points out what he conceives as the primary reason for the neighbours for not exerting pressure on Zimbabwe is mostly because they fear that their support for MDC and Morgan Tsvangirai would send a wrong message for Africa's most industrialised region. Souther Africa being the most industrialised has more people working and this has given rise to trade unionism, the trade unions using their sheer size are becoming more and more political. He cites the case of Zambia where Kenneth Kaunda was ousted by a trade union leader after 27 years in power. Therefore African leaders are reluctant to be drawn into the issue of Zimbabwe for fear that they own labour movement might oust them from power one day. Mr Mbeki argues that the influx of refugees would not make a big policy change as he acknowledged that even in South Africa, COSATU the largest umbrella labour body in whole of Africa poses a threat to South Africa's ANC led government. COSATU is only civic body together with The Church Council of Souther Africa which issued a statement concerned by what was happening in Zimbabwe. On Human Rights day in South Africa it has promised to demonstrate against South Africa's quiet diplomacy and the illegal arrest and torture of Zimbabwean's opposition and civic leaders on their way to a prayer meeting.

Mbeki having lived in Zimbabwe when he was forced to flee apartheid was there when Mugabe ordered the massacre of more than 50 000 civilians to crush Joshua Nkomo's opposition Zapu PF which later merged with Mugabe's Zanu PF. He then uses this example to say that things will get worse before they get better in Zimbabwe. Asked about the fact that The MDC President feels that last Sunday's events were a tipping point, he answers that Morgan is an optimist. He says he knows Mugabe personally and know that he has an appetite for violence and will continue to exert brutal violence to stop regime change in Zimbabwe.

Mr Moeletsi Mbeki is a brother to South Africa's President Thabo Mbeki, has a strong background in journalism, with a resume that includes a Nieman Fellowship and time at the BBC. He was a media consultant for the ANC in the '90s, and is currently the chairman of Endemol South Africa. He has always bee outspoken and differs on many things from his brother South Africa's president. He caused waves when he said: Africans Were Better Off During Colonial Times Than They Are Now

 

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Mr Mduduzi Mathuthu of Newzimbabwe.com corrected!

The Editor of Talkzimbabwe.com has "corrected" some views expressed by Mr
Mduduzi Mathuthu!

Please kindly go to www.zimdebate.blogspot.com
<http://www.zimdebate.blogspot.com/>

Ex www.talkzimbabwe.com <http://www.talkzimbabwe.com/>

WHY MBEKI SEEMS "IMPOTENT" ABOUT THE ZIM CRISIS!

Robert Mugabe, Thabo Mbeki and the ANC

Fri, 19 Jan 2007 00:09:00

http://www.zimdaily.com/news/117/ARTICLE/1238/2007-01-19.html

Ivor Waldeck

In order to understand President Mugabe it is necessary to know something
about the early history of Zimbabwe.

The Shona tribe that Mugabe is a member of, was terrorised by the (black)
settler Ndebele (Matabele) tribe that arrived in Southern Matabeleland from
Kwazulu-Natal in about 1840 - a breakaway branch of the Zulu Kingdom in what
was then Natal.

As late as 1890, Mugabe's grandparents would have experienced the wrath of
the marauding Matabele impis.

The extremely cruel yearly raids on the Shona by the warlike Matabele, only
ceased in 1890 when Rhodes' pioneer column reached that part of the
continent. The new (white) settlers put a stop to the practice.

Historians believe that but for this intervention, the Shona tribe would in
all probability have been wiped out. Because of the past tribal history,
intense hatred still exists between the two ethnic groupings.

During the war of liberation against the Rhodesians that culminated in
independence in 1980, there were two distinct black liberation factions -
ZANU (Shona) and ZIPRA (Matabele). On the battlefield, there were many
deadly clashes between the two factions.

When Zimbabwe gained independence in 1980, the various military factions
including ZANU and ZIPRA, were integrated into the new national army.

Some ZIPRA (Matabele) guerrillas remained in the bush because of mistrust of
ZANU (Shona) and others deserted the new army because they feared that their
Shona commanders were planning their demise.

There followed a period of insurrection, lawlessness and outright warfare
between ZANU and ZIPRA forces. Matabele ZIPRA deserters and their colleagues
remaining in the bush, were labelled 'dissidents' by Mugabe and were killed
wherever they were found - often brutally and in cold blood. Emmerson
Mnangagwa, the then Minister of State Security, announced in parliament in
February 1984 that 459 'bandits' as he labelled them, had been killed. There
is little doubt that many more than that number were eliminated.

Mugabe had meantime called in the communist North Koreans to train the
5-Brigade (1981). He had a sinister motive for doing so.

The 5-Brigade, which was directly answerable to Mugabe, was variously
deployed in Matabeleland over the period 1983 to 1984 - ostensibly to locate
and destroy ZIPRA 'dissidents'. Ultimately, in February 1983, some 16000
square kilometres of Southern Matabeleland and an area of the Midlands
inhabited by mainly Matabele people, was cordoned off. Soon thereafter a
24-hour curfew was imposed.

No food was allowed into the curfew area and as the region was in the grips
of a third drought in a row, thousands of innocent rural people starved to
death.

The 5-Brigade then commenced the systematic and indiscriminate elimination
of innocent Ndebele men, women and children.

What supposedly started off as a war against 'dissidents' ended up as an
attempt to crush the Matabele nation - nothing other than a classic case of
genocide - more politely referred to as 'ethnic cleansing'.

This was punishment and retribution for the attacks suffered by the Shona at
the hands of the Matabele during he 1840-1890 period. Mugabe's 5-Brigade
wiped out entire villages so that there were no survivors to tell tales -
other villagers simply disappeared.

At least 15 000 and possibly as many as 30 000 were killed in the most
brutal fashion - the true number may never be known because of the vast area
involved and the methods used. Ian Smith, the former Rhodesian Prime
Minister in his book 'The Great Betrayal', puts the death toll at 30 000.

The 5-Brigade was led by Colonel Perence Shiri - currently commander of the
Zimbabwe Air Force.

This inhuman thug daubed 'The Beast of Bhalagwe', set up a torture and
killing camp in Southern Matabeleland.

Thousands of men, women and children - regardless of age or health - were
rounded up and conveyed to this and other camps to be re-educated in typical
'old style' communist fashion.

Thousands of innocents were murdered, raped, maimed, beaten or simply
disappeared. Horrendous and sickening methods of torture were employed.

Camp detainees were made to dig graves for their colleagues and when the
killing rate accelerated, bodies were dumped down disused mine shafts.

The feared Central Intelligence Organisation under the control of Emmerson
Mnangagwa (until recently - January 2005 - Mugabe's heir apparent), then
Minister of State Security in Mugabe's office, was at the forefront of the
brutal and sadistic forms of torture and killings.

The ANC had a presence in Zimbabwe at the time these atrocities occurred.
There has never been any condemnation by the ANC of the genocide Mugabe
perpetrated on his own black population after independence in 1980.

The atrocities committed by the 5-Brigade are well documented especially by
the Zimbabwe Catholic Commission of Justice and Peace, in books, articles
and reports by several investigative journalists.

Following an international outcry, Mugabe in September 1983, set up a
commission of inquiry headed by a lawyer Mr Chihambakwe to investigate the
allegations. Although fearful of the repercussions, hundreds of eyewitnesses
to the atrocities turned up to give evidence.

Mugabe undertook to make the report of the commission public, but it was
suppressed. When taken to court (December 1999) in an effort to force the
release of the report he, through his legal representative, claimed that it
was lost! Mugabe is no doubt well aware that the report - wherever it is -
will be used as evidence to prosecute him for crimes against humanity.

The seizure of white owned commercial farms that commenced in 2000 was and
is a desperate attempt to stay in power - his trump and last card in order
to secure victory at the 2002 elections.

These politically inspired land seizures led to the deaths of many, and the
displacement of some four thousand mainly white commercial farmers and an
estimated 1.5 million black farm workers and their families.

Mugabe does not give a jot about the illegality or consequences of his
actions. He has brought economic ruin on his country to save his own skin
and to remain in power - and not for the ideological reasons he claims.

The seizure of white commercial farms resulted in the commencement of
Zimbabwe's economic collapse.

The suggestion that drought was and is the cause of crop failures has been
proved to be a false story put about by Mugabe in order to account for
famine in Zimbabwe. Craig Richardson (Associate Professor of Economics at
Salem College in the United States) in a comprehensive independent report
tabled at the United Nations, proves conclusively that the only 'drought' in
recent times was in 2001-2002.

Rainfall for that season was only 22 percent below the 50-year average, and
in late 2001 dams throughout Zimbabwe were reported full and the stored
water available to agriculture.

The resettled black farmers planted few crops either then or thereafter -
leading to famine, which persists in 2006.

Mbeki's statement to the American press (June 2005) that the famine in
Zimbabwe is due to the drought is a distortion of the truth - yet another
indication of his support for his despotic and tyrannical friend.

According to a World Bank report on Zimbabwe (February 2005) the
redistribution of 80% white commercial farmland to the landless poor, has
resulted in 70% of Zimbabwe's 11.6 million people living below the poverty
line.

The admission (London Daily Telegraph January 2006) by the Mugabe government
that its seizure of white-owned farms has benefited fewer than 10% of black
Zimbabweans promised new futures as commercial landowners, establishes
Mugabe's destruction of agriculture and the resultant famine.

The Zimbabwe Land Ministry report declares that a third of the land given to
these new farmers is lying idle, nothing was happening on another 11% and
30% was classed as 'under-utilised'.

The resettlement scheme has benefited only 4 867 people while 1.5 million
black farm workers and their families were kicked off white owned farms.

Mbeki's glib acceptance of lies propagated by Mugabe concerning the land
grab and his June 2003 prediction that by June 2004 the Zimbabwe crises
would be resolved - sold to the British and Americans as the objective of
his "quiet diplomacy" - are but further examples of the lengths to which
Mbeki is prepared to go to support his tyrannical friend and dictator.

Mbeki should be aware that knowingly repeating lies put about by Mugabe will
ultimately question his credibility.

So why is it that President Mbeki, the ANC and other black African leaders
are tolerant of this despot - described by Archbishop Emeritus Desmond Tutu
as "the archetypal African dictator".

Why is the killing of black people by a black tyrant (the label given to
Mugabe by non other than former President Nelson Mandela), seemingly
acceptable to them and most of black Africa.

It is a historical fact that the ANC and both Zimbabwean liberation
movements were instructed in Marxist/Leninist ideology either in Moscow or
in China. Mbeki, a loyal member of the Communist party when in exile (as was
his father), received instruction at the Lenin School in Moscow. Mugabe has
put into practice what the Red Chinese taught him at the Nanking Military
Academy.

Mugabe even produced his version of the "Thoughts Of Mao" - containing
typical Marxist rhetoric. His 'Youth Militia' - the 'Green Bombers' trained
to kill terrorise and disrupt those who oppose him - are reminiscent of
Mao's youthful 'Red Guard' that terrorised the Chinese population during the
Cultural Revolution.

Mugabe and Mbeki have, according to international political commentators,
both put into practice the Lenin doctrine of 'Democratic Centralism' learnt
from their respective Communist masters - a Marxist/Socialist system whereby
all important policy decisions are taken by an 'inner circle' or 'politburo'
rendering the parliamentary process sterile - the antithesis of any truly
democratic system of government.

In order to carry out his policies, Mbeki surrounds himself with individuals
such as Essop Pahad - an ardent communist - who broadcast Soviet propaganda
from Prague during Moscow's hey day, and described the Soviet Union's August
1968 invasion of Czechoslovakia as " the Fraternal Assistance".

It is no secret that not many years ago the ANC would have encouraged Mugabe
to dispossess and kill white farmers - which was after all one of the
objectives of the ANC in South Africa.

Other of Mugabe's actions would also have received the ANC's enthusiastic
support, and I suspect that many of his actions and utterances still do -
like Foreign Affair's consistent and public support for his land grab
policy, and Mbeki's mischievous blaming (December 2003) of Britain for the
Zimbabwe land crises - in support of lies put about by Mugabe.

Most importantly Mugabe, also not many years ago, actively supported the
ANC's war effort in South Africa. ANC cadres were trained in Zimbabwe and
supplied with ammunition, weapons and explosives, with which to carry out
their work in South Africa.

Mugabe often reminds the ANC of the part he played in their struggle - no
doubt the ANC'S "hour of need" Mbeki so often refers to.

Mbeki's lack of firm action against Mugabe can only be due to the historical
and ideological backgrounds they share - which is a bad omen for South
Africa.

Mbeki could have and still can bring Mugabe to heel by simply threatening to
close the border, and if necessary, restrict trade and the flow of
essentials supplies to Zimbabwe - a successful ploy John Vorster and Henry
Kissinger used to force the Rhodesians to end their war and accept the
principle of majority rule.

And what of the broken agreement Mugabe made with Mbeki and the presidents
of Mozambique (Chisano)and Namibia (Nujoma) at the Victoria Falls in 2000
when he undertook to remove the war veterans from occupied white commercial
farms within a month.

There was no comment from the tripartite when Mugabe, within the same month,
reneged on his undertakings - just a supportive silence.

One wonders just what Mbeki's real agenda is because the world might well
conclude that Mbeki's indifference to Mugabe's human rights violations will
be seen as laying the groundwork for future human rights violations in South
Africa - an observation (December 2003) made by the Anglican Archbishop
Emeritus, Desmond Tutu.

Former South African Nobel Peace Laureate President F W de Klerk warns
(January 2006) on his de Klerk Foundation website, that in the published
Mbeki "second decade of liberation" plan, the ANC intends to take over the
country's assets and violate property rights currently protected under the
constitution.

The ANC has already resolved to dispense with the 'willing buyer, willing
seller' principle relating to the acquisition of white owned farms, and
replacing it with acquisition by expropriation should the government's
valuations be refused.

A Bill currently before the South African parliament (February 2006), seeks
to give the Minister of Justice the final "authority over the administration
and budget of all courts".

The General council of the Bar of SA (January 2006) is concerned that the
executive is taking over the functions of the judiciary. In August 2006 a
judge of the South African High Court warned of a looming constitutional
crises because the ANC has ignored high court orders - a clear sign that the
ANC (like the Mugabe regime) considers itself to be the lawmaker.

Desmond Tutu's observation concerning the possibility of future human rights
violations in South Africa seems ominously prophetic.

Helen Suzman, a former staunch supporter of the ANC and anti-apartheid
activist, concludes (London Weekly Telegraph May 2004) "Mbeki and other
black African leaders support Mugabe's actions in effectively kicking the
white man out of Zimbabwe".

She accuses Mbeki of supporting the Mugabe's anti - white stance "Mugabe has
done that to the whites, and I think that is exactly what Mbeki admires
about him". And further "Do not think for a moment that Mbeki is not
anti-white - he is, most definitely".

Mbeki and other black African leaders, who applaud Mugabe for kicking out
the whites, have clearly not stopped to think that the ultimate victims are
the black citizens of Zimbabwe.

South Africa and the region will, I fear, in the final analysis, pay the
price for protecting a despicable and cruel tyrant who only remains in power
through cheating, lying, killing, torturing, gagging, starving and
intimidating opponents, formulating laws controlling the media which are
regularly tightened, and prohibiting opposition meetings and demonstrations
- the political practises of communist Eastern Europe of the 1960's.

The ANC and most other black African leaders indulgently refer to Mugabe's
uncivilised methods as 'African Style Democracy'. In December 2004 at the
ZANU-PF conference held in Harare, the Secretary General of the ANC Henry
Magothi praised Mugabe and his policies and said that the ANC and people of
South Africa are confident that ZANU-PF "as a party of revolution, will
continue to play a leading role in the political and economic independence
of Zimbabwe".

It is this unqualified praise and acceptance of Mugabe's draconian policies
which concerns the free democratic world and which Archbishop Emeritus,
Desmond Tutu, warns might be regarded by the free world as "laying the
groundwork for future human rights violations in South Africa".

This watering down of genuine democratic principles was again applied to the
2005 Zimbabwean elections which could not be ruled free and fair even by the
South African observer mission which could only described them as
"reflecting the will of the people".

When asked (April 2005) why he chose not to declare the elections 'free and
fair' the delegation head Minister Membathisi Mdladlana retorted - "We see
no reason to follow anybody else's culture".

Mugabe's (June 2005) cruel displacement affecting some 2.4 million urban
black citizens (UN Tibaijufa report para 3.2.3) by destroying shanty homes
and businesses, is according to some observers, designed to drive
disaffected urban voters to the famine-hit countryside - where his political
support base is - for political re-education and to prevent a popular
uprising.

Despite the August 2005 report of the United Nations special envoy Anna
Tibaijufa condemning Mugabe's actions, Mbeki the ANC and the African Union,
maintain their silence as they regard the matter as an 'internal matter for
Zimbabwe'.

Mugabe's statement that trillions of Zimbabwe dollars are to be spent on
re-housing the dispossessed is just another lie, and clearly just a ruse to
placate his critics and satisfy his African supporters.

The civilized world by contrast sees Mugabe as an illegitimate leader of an
illegitimate government, and unlike the ANC, regards the outcome of the
March 2005 parliamentary elections as rigged.

The international community insists on a new round of internationally
supervised elections in Zimbabwe.

United States Secretary of Sate, Colin Powell, is on record as saying
(September 2002) that there must be regime change in Zimbabwe and his
successor Condoleezza Rice, regards Zimbabwe as an "outpost of tyranny"
(January 2005) - an observation which Mbeki, in unqualified support of his
tyrannical friend, objected to.

The American Ambassador to Zimbabwe, Christopher Dell in a speech to the
Africa University of Zimbabwe on the 02 November 2005, had this to say about
America's Zimbabwe policy "... only when Zimbabwe's government restores the
rule of law, conducts free and fair elections, puts military and police
forces under effective civilian control, repeals repressive legislation, and
commits to an equitable, legal, and transparent land reform program will we
support financial support for the government of Zimbabwe".

Mugabe, over a twenty-six year period, has employed terror tactics against
all those he regards as a threat.

He planned, instigated, committed or otherwise aided and abetted a campaign
of violence directed against the civilian population of Zimbabwe. He has to
stay in power because he knows that as soon as he loses the protection of
his office, he and others of his regime will, if justice is to prevail, have
to stand trial at The Hague for genocide and crimes against humanity.

World leaders must surely come to realise that Mbeki's "quiet diplomacy" is
a charade - described by those opposing Mugabe in Zimbabwe as "an act of
blatant deception". Mbeki (London May 2006) is reported as now relying on
the United Nations to unravel the mess in Zimbabwe. The fact that he did not
comment on his government's failed "quiet diplomacy" policy, gives grist to
the perception that it was a charade and designed to deceive.

Zimbabwe sinks further and further into the abyss while the concerned world
looks on, and Mbeki, with measured arrogance born of absolute power, looks
the other way.

By IVOR WALDECK

Email - goodhopepark@worldonline.co.za

I was a judicial officer in Zimbabwe until 1983. After independence inquest
dockets were passed to me in 1982, which revealed that the National Army or
other government forces were murdering ZIPRA 'dissidents'. I was threatened
with detention if I, as was my judicial duty to do, held public inquests
into the deaths. I still have these dockets in my possession.

After 22 years in the Department of Justice, I resigned and left Zimbabwe in
1983 because I could not work for a government that after independence,
engaged in the cold blooded murder of its own citizens.

It is remarkable how few people know the real story about Mugabe and just
how murderous, tyrannical and evil he is. It is mainly the black people of
that country who have suffered because Mugabe has to retain the reigns of
power in order to survive politically.

The whites were pawns in the game and the Matabele killed in their thousands
because of ethnicity and their political opposition to him. Mugabe has
brought shame on the African continent and his country to its economic knees
with an inflation rate in May 2006 of 1000+% (and climbing), and the life
expectancy of the population falling from one of the highest in Africa to
one of the worst in the world - men 37 women 34 (World Health Organisation
report 2006).

The liberators of Sub-Saharan Africa have shown themselves to be incapable
of democratic governance - because democracy would have seen them voted out
of office.

In May 2006 the ANC ousted from power in local government elections in Cape
Town, led a campaign of violence against the newly elected Mayor of Cape
Town. Liberators will not tolerate being voted out of power, and this
seemingly minor episode is a timely warning of things to come.

Liberation governments have turned corrupt and rely on brute force to remain
in power and to retain the spoils. Commentators have expressed surprise at
how quickly corruption has, within ten short years, spread to the upper
echelons of the ANC government "... it is alarming that official corruption,
that constant scourge of post-colonial Africa, has seemingly taken root so
soon after democratic elections, and may have reached into the very highest
levels of government" (Editorial - British Weekly Telegraph - June 2005).

Since June 2005 there has been a marked increase in crime involving the ANC.
High profile figures have been convicted, and the prosecution or intended
prosecution of twenty-three ANC members of parliament for theft and fraud
involving public funds have come before the courts. Crimes involving
violence have escalated alarmingly.

The official crime statistics for the 2005/2006 period catalogues 18 793
murders (50 a day), 20 533 attempted murders, 54 926 rapes - 23 453
involving children (42%), 119 726 robberies involving aggravating
circumstances, 74 723 common robberies, 4 873 robberies of business premises
and 9 391 of residential premises, 12 825 'carjackings' and 385 cash in
transit heists that more often than not involve extreme violence. It is
generally believed that the authorities have manipulated the crime
statistics in order to claim a reduction in crime trends.

A disturbing aspect of crime statistics over the years is the fact that
since the ANC came into power, over 1 500 white farmers have been murdered
on their farms.

Some of these murders were sadistic and cruel in the extreme, and many
believe that they were and are politically motivated - the objective being
to drive white farmers off the land. The policy is succeeding, as the most
dangerous occupation in South Africa is being a white farmer.

The history of Sub-Saharan Africa is replete with examples of liberation
governments that have used chaotic situations involving criminality, to
cower the populace and drive out those who they regard as opponents of the
system. The Marxist socialist Eastern bloc countries of the sixties were
masters of this technique.

Another ominous sign is the firm control the ANC has on the broadcasting
media that it uses for propaganda purposes. It also actively prevents the
opinions of those who oppose the ANC from being aired or screened. These are
actions which can usually be attributed to dictatorships.

In April 2006 the ANC secretary-general Kgalema Motlanthe led a delegation
to Cuba - to be followed by a visit to China - to study the relationship
between party and state.

Both the Cuban and Chinese communist parties are single party systems that
are repressive and undemocratic. It is disturbing that the ANC hierarchy
should want to learn anything from either of the two countries where human
rights abuses are legend. The implications are ominous for South Africa.

The truth about Mugabe, Mbeki and the ANC, is a story that must be told and
spread far and wide, as it would be tragic if Mugabe escapes punishment for
his wrong-doing, and South Africa via the ANC, is permitted to travel the
same route Zimbabwe and every other liberation government in Sub-Saharan
Africa has travelled.

The United Nations must urgently be urged to respond and act.